Remembrance of WWII as The Communist Regime's New Nationalist Image
Since Communist China started economic
reforms in 1978, roller-coasting style economic reform that catapulted
China to the position of the fourth economic power in the world (2006)
also brought about whirlwind changes and to many people, much
uncertainty. Following the economic reform and rapid opening up of
China's economy to market forces were massive unemployments, and rapid
transition for much of the population from state-managed factories and
other institutions to private ones. The transition was not an easy
one, and in 1989, there was a massive student protest against government
leaders profiting more from the reform than others. This so-called
"Tiananmen Incident," because it took place on Tiananmen Square, the
center of the Chinese capital of Beijing and historically a place of
political prominence, along with the Cultural Revolution and the
capitalist moves toward a market economy, severely weakened the image
and authority of the Chinese Communist regime. To rebuild its
image and authority, the Communist government has resorted to a revival
of tradition (encouraging the respect paid to the ancient philosopher
Confucius), and tried to refashion itself as a true defender of Chinese
nationalism.
In his two articles on the recent remembrance of the war against Japan by the Chinese Communist government, Rana Mitter approaches this memory from different aspects. In his "Nationalism, History and the War Resistance Museum," he discusses in particular this new emphasis on nationalism to bolster the image and status of the Chinese government in both the national and international arenas was reflected in the reinterpretations of WWII in China, notably in the building of war memorial museums. The War of Resistance Museum in Beijing, (completed in 1987 and remodeled in 1997) was the Chinese government's attempt to refashion its role and China's role in the Pacific phase of WWII. It simultaneously sent out several messages:
In his "China's Changing Views Toward the World in An Age of Reform," Mitter further explores the reason behind this fascination with the war against Japan by the Chinese government. Besides the new international status China consciously tries to cultivate through a depiction of (successful) Chinese participation in a world war, Ritter also sees a parallel between China in the 1980s/1990s and the 1930s-1940s during the Japanese invasion. In both cases, China was threatened in its survival. In the earlier case, it was a threat from Japanese invaders, and in the second case, it was threat from an opening Chinese economy, to the foreign stock market and investors. With the opening up of China, much of China, including businesses and real estate, are up for sale. One dramatic example is the real estate along the Shanghai bund: the narrow strip of Shanghai facing the Huangpu river. Historically the buildings there were owned by foreign companies such as Shell and Citibank before the Communist takeover in 1949. After the Communist takeover they were all confiscated by the Communist government. Today many of them are sold back to their earlier owners or to some other foreign companies. There was a saying among the Chinese population: "Overnight, we return to the pre-Communist years," which referred to this kind of phenomenon. The uncertainty of the Communist Chinese government over how far they should go in that direction without compromising Chinese sovereignty, the uncertainty of membership in the WTO and of reform in general: with inflation, unemployment, and many other new social issues popping up, the Chinese government, according to Mitter, again feels threatened by outside forces beyond its control, and a glorification of resistance against foreign powers was a way to bolster Chinese national morale, especially as right wing revision of Japanese history has been steadily on the rise in the past years. |